Hungary is more committed than ever to democracy, the rule of law and Euro-Atlantic integration.

Martonyi János cikke

Twenty years after a ‘managed’ transition to democracy left significant parts of Hungary’s old communist structures almost intact, Hungary came to the brink of collapse several years ago. People’s trust in government, in independent institutions and in each other was seriously eroded after long years of corrupt and incompetent governance, and as a result the economy trembled at the first wave of the crisis.

Fidesz came to power in 2010 promising a major overhaul of the old structures, and completion of the transition from communism to democracy. The signature piece of our work is the new constitution of Hungary and the cardinal laws implementing it, replacing the patched-up, temporary revision of our 1949 communist constitution.

Delivering on our promises took tremendous effort, especially against the backdrop of the global economic crisis. The changes we introduced were rapid and comprehensive and ruffled more than a few feathers. We were certainly not immune to error, including errors of judgement and of communication in our work. Thus, we are open to criticism, provided it is fair and specific, but we reject summary judgements, many of which are based on flimsy evidence and not necessarily motivated by genuine concern for the fate of Hungary.

At the same time, Fidesz is a conservative party, and it has not shied away from using its unprecedented democratic legitimacy to reflect conservative values in its legislative work, such as affording enhanced protection to families as the building blocks of our society, or implementing a debt brake to prevent reckless borrowing by any future government. While our super-majority and our conservatism has clearly exasperated some of our political opponents, that should not deny us the right to seek our own solutions to our own specific challenges while remaining committed to democracy, the rule of law and Euro- Atlantic integration.

In fact, we are more committed to those values than ever. The Venice Commission welcomed that our “new Constitution establishes a constitutional order based on democracy, the rule of law and the protection of fundamental rights as underlying principles” and that a “particular effort has been made to follow closely the technique and contents of the European Convention on Human Rights and to some extent the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights”.

And our track record during the Hungarian presidency of the Council of Ministers in 2011 has compelled even some of our critics to admit that we worked tirelessly for advancing the cause of a “strong Europe”, which was also the motto of our presidency. Our desire for an ever closer union has prompted us to participate actively in the formulation of the new fiscal compact, which right from the outset we advocated should be incorporated into the treaties.

There is no denying that there are serious problems across Europe, including Hungary. A deteriorating sense of security, a decline in trust among peoples and countries, and a feeling of frustration pervades our Union. Some of our problems require joint solutions, while others need to be addressed individually on the basis of subsidiarity. In such times, politicians in all countries and in all institutions must be extremely careful and be culturally sensitive to avoid being counter-productive. Otherwise, they may end up strengthening the forces that they claim to be fighting against.

Let me make this very clear: a constructive dialogue, respecting the prerogatives of EU and member-state institutions, a civilised tone and cooperation in good faith is what we offer and what we are asking for. Only they can strengthen the credentials of the EU, of its member states and of democracy both in and outside Hungary. On the contrary, summary judgements, illinformed smear campaigns, trampling on the institutional and constitutional order of the EU and its member states, and derogatory and paternalistic language will only weaken the forces committed to democracy and European integration. That, in turn, only strengthens those, especially on the far right, who scent an opportunity in today’s crisis.

Infringements may happen. Let us try to find solutions and compromises based on mutual trust and respect. If necessary, we have the institutions and procedures to deal with them. I hope our firebrand critics will reconsider whether they are interested in due process or just cheap publicity at the expense of our common democratic prospects.

(kormany.hu)