Speech by Minister of State Zsolt Németh

Dear Guests,

“We must confront history” wrote Mikuláš Dzurinda, foreign minister of the Republic of Slovakia a month ago in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of Slovakia’s official apology for the mistreatment of the German minority after World War II.

We, Hungarians, sense and appreciate the direction in Slovak public life that this sentence reflects: a process pointing to a paradigm shift brought to life by the Radičová government. Although still in its early stages, but if implemented fully this will not only fundamentally change German-Slovak, but also Hungarian-Slovak relations.

Our celebration today is a chance to reinforce once again: the Slovak nation does not need to be alone in confronting our shared Hungarian-Slovak history; we wish to confront our shared past together and we are willing partners in this process.

We do this in the spirit and standpoint of János Esterházy, who was born 110 years ago today. For him Hungarian-Slovak brotherhood was not an element of “Realpolitik”, but a heartfelt cause. He was not simply searching for a “cold peace”, or a political modus vivendi; he truly believed in the brotherhood of the two nations.

Let us recall one of the most dramatic moments in Esterházy’s life when he was the only one in the Slovak parliament who voted against the deportation of Jews. He was the only one, thought he did not want to be. In a bitter and desperate speech he in no way can be blamed  for, he deployed literally everything he could – with the tactics of a great politician – to persuade his peers of the unacceptability of the decision that was about to be made. Why? In the hope of changing the minds of his colleagues? Knowing his idealism, this was surely one of his reasons. But definitely his other purpose was to wash off the sin not only from the Hungarian community of Slovakia, but also from the Slovak nation. I would like to thank Mrs. Orit Zuaretz, member of the Israeli Knesset for being with us today, even during these turbulent events in the Middle East, and, in the spirit of Esterházy, I would like to confirm that Hungary is committed to supporting the security of the Jewish people and the State of Israel.

For Esterházy, the Slovak nation was not simply one among European nations, but  it was the brother nation, the one standing closest to the Hungarian nation and sharing the same destiny. No humiliation, no persecution perpetrated in the name of this Slovak nation could divert Esterházy from professing his innermost conviction that the two nations are brothers. “…he loved them unto the end” (John 13:1 ) – two witnesses of this fact are here with us: Mr. Jan Janků and Mrs. Alíz. Esterházy.

János Esterházy is the symbol of the brotherhood between Hungarians and Slovaks. The claim for his rehabilitation is therefore not simply aimed at rehabiliting one person. The rehabilitation of Esterházy would mean the rehabilitation of the cause of brotherhood between Hungarians and Slovaks in Slovakia and in the Czech Republic. This is why it is so difficult to achieve, but this is also why it is bound to happen sooner or later.

The desire to confront our common history is there not only on our side, but also on the Slovak side. Eight years ago, commemorating the 10th Anniversary of the Proclamation of the Slovak Republic, Mr. Pavol Hrušovský, the Speaker of the National Council of The Slovak Republic, outlined the perspective of this process. In his far reaching speech, among others, he mentioned – for the first time on behalf of the Slovak political elite – the necessity of confronting the events of the post-war period, the years of “statelessness” for the Hungarian and German communities through the deprivation of their citizenship and civil rights.

The importance of his speech can hardly be overstated. Facing up to what happened after World War II presents us with a set of questions that postulates the inclusion of János Esterházy’s martyrdom. And it must include all of its implications. It must include confronting the application of collective guilt (collective punishment, to be precise) at the time.  It must include joint confrontation with the crimes committed under National Socialism and the following so called “national democracy”, as well as Communism.

And it must include the joint analysis of the relationships between these regimes. The regimes which jointly victimized János Esterházy.

Confronting our past makes sense, if it leads to solving issues that are rooted in the past, but still pose concrete problems in the relationship of the two nations today, and if it leads to the noticeable realization of Hungarian-Slovak brotherhood. There are well developed proposals for this, for example the Party of the Hungarian Coalition has worked on such proposals.

The churches – with the joint declaration in 2006 of the two Roman Catholic Conferences of Bishops, or with the solidarity expressed between Hungarian and Slovakian Calvinists on the questions of nationalities – have already embarked on this road. These developments fit right into Esterházy’s vision, since he, as a saint politician and a political saint has always placed paramount importance on the transcendental aspects in the relationship of the two nations. The dialogue between historians has been on-going for several years and might soon result in a joint collection of historical texts.

These are very significant achievements; however they cannot replace one thing: the participation and the centrality even, of the freely elected representatives – the political scenes – of the two nations in embracing our common future. This was also the view of János Esterházy: he saw political dialogue and very close multidimensional political cooperation as the most important framework for the brotherhood of the two nations.

We – the Hungary of 2011 – are ready for this.
We are ready to extend our hand, we are ready for a long term agreement and we are ready to initiate suggestions in this regard. For us the form of how we extend our hands to each other is not a priority, but its substance and impacts are. All aspects important for the long term settlement of the Hungarian-Slovak relationship must be put on the agenda and must have a commonly agreed upon joint interpretation. The ideal form must be arrived at through dialogue, to ensure that our declaration assists in the widest possible set of concrete problems being resolved, and thus help the widest possible attainment of Hungarian-Slovak brotherhood.

We have pinned on our rosettes! 15th of March, the celebration of freedom is rather close to the birthday of Esterházy.

Together, and only together can we be free. This is what the life and oeuvre of Esterházy teaches us and on which any document of reconciliation must be based. The freedom of all the nations living together is not just a limit, but also a prerequisite for, and guarantee of the freedom of each of those nations. If this becomes reality, then the two communities will both take ownership – as a sort of joint monument to freedom – of the János Esterházy statute to be unveiled in Košice.

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Distinguished guests!

János Esterházy was born in early spring. We always remember him in this almost excitingly beautiful time of the year. Now, on the 110th anniversary it is as if the weather wanted to remind us what early spring meant. This week started with winter-like cold, but finally brought spring. It will also arrive in the Hungarian-Slovak relations in no small part thanks to the merits of János Esterházy. “We must confront history!” May God help us to do so.

(kormany.hu)